Eviction 'policy' left in the past

Millions of miles away between Jakarta and Bangkok (6)

DIFFERENT from Bangkok, Jakarta has no alternative in solving the problem of slum areas but simply evicting them away. In fact, in the 1960s Jakarta had developed a kind of program similar to Baan Mankong, i.e. the Kampung Improvement Program (KIP). This program was once very popular worldwide. Even Somsook Boonyabancha, the director of CODI, the government’s body running the Baan Mankong program, admits that the program is actually a lesson learned from the practice conducted by the Jakarta administration. Ironically Jakarta has left it in the past.

The contrary takes place in Bangkok, instead. For Bangkok administration, eviction ‘policy’ has been left behind. Evictions mostly took place during 1960s-1970s, when the city renovation was more understood as destroying old houses replaced by sky-scrappers constructions. At the period eviction was the only solution against slum areas. At the end of 1970s the community renovation programs were introduced in Bangkok and in 1973 the Thai government made the housing problem tackling as a national agenda with the setting up of the National Housing Authority (NHA). Only in 1977 Thai government for the first time applied the community renovation program.

However, although Bangkok takes the policy of resoting to eviction as the last option, land commercialization waves have made Bangkok unable to fully avoid evictions. You can imagine that land rent prices for the communities cost the yearly average of 20 Baht (±0.6$US) a meter square. In fact, if the same plot of land be rented for commercial purposes the price increases 18 times upto 375 Baht (±11.27$US) per sq meter yearly. Even though, there is still a clear difference between Jakarta and Bangkok when each takes the eviction options. For instance in compensating the damages, community leaders, NGO activists, and academicians admit there is a clear standard of 10,000 Baht (±300$US) each living place.

The difference between Jakarta and Bangkok
in their policy on dealing with slum areas:
Click the table to see it bigger.

Even before last minute of taking decision to evict slum areas, the executors provide the compensated land in advance. Eviction that aims at providing space of public infrastructural constructions, the financial compensation may reach about $US 10,000. The amount of the compensation depends on the length of the negotiation. If the eviction executors want that the identified people leave the areas, the executors will pay higher sum of money. On the contrary, if the evictors do not agree with paying higher price, they will agree the people to stay longer. See my table above explaining the comparison between both cities.*

Photo caption: A public meeting at Kratum Diew community in Bangkok, January 2007

See previous stories:
Millions of miles away between Jakarta and Bangkok (5)
Millions of miles away between Jakarta and Bangkok (4)
Millions of miles away between Jakarta and Bangkok (3)
Millions of miles away between Jakarta and Bangkok (2)
Millions of miles away between Jakarta and Bangkok (1)

Read the Indonesian version.

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If so what are police’s real jobs?

Where are you, Halima? (2)

THAT night Heri was not at home. The morning after therefore he reached Heri again and thanks God he finally found Heri. This migrant workers broker suggested Sholihin to go to the agency of PT Syafika Jaya Utama, instead of directly helping him, to meet Mamad, the man whom he said had arranged the departure of Halima to supposedly Malaysia.

However, Sholihin’s effort to ask about Halima at that agency’s office did not offer him any clue. Mamad did not appear himself. Sholihin could only meet a staff member of the agency. He then went back to Heri’s house.

And again Heri asked him to go to find Mamad. This time Heri suggested him to go to Heri’s house, while informing Sholihin the address. However, he failed to find Mamad. He met only Mamad’s wife who then only said: “Mamad goes to Jakarta.”

Sholihin thereby referred back to Heri, but the latter seemed to disappear. Sholihin only met Heri’s wife, who gave him the bank saving account. The woman said his husband had gone to see his second wife.

Sholihin kept trying to meet Heri. Sholihin tried six times to find Heri to pressurze him to get information about his sister Halima, but no result at all. When Sholihin met Heri for the last time accompanied by local village official and a student activist, Heri even mentioned something astonishing, saying that he had forgotten to have recruited Halima as migrant worker, kept her in his house and also arranged her departure. So easy an answer and no sense of responsibility at all.

This painful answer had pushed Sholihin to file formal report to local police about missing person. He was accompanied by local migrant workers union’s activists. All of his efforts have so far only resulted in nothing but grief and nuisance. The police officer he met rejected his report arrogantly. Police said his report was not followed up because there were not enough evidences for claim that Heri indeed had recruited Halima.

It is indeed bad experience that he and his family have to shoulder. He lost his sister. And his family lost their daughter.

In order that his report of missing sister be followed up properly, has he to find that evidence in advance? If so what are the police’s real jobs?**

Previous story:
Where are you, Halima? (1) – Missing sister. Missing daughter.

See Indonesian version.

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Lalu apa tugas polisi?

Di mana Halima? (2)

MALAM itu Heri tak ada di rumah. Paginya ia kembali datang dan baru bisa menemui Heri. Calo itu malah menyuruh Sholihin datang sendiri ke kantor PT Syafika Jaya Utama untuk menemui Mamad, orang yang mengurusi keberangkatan Halima di PJTKI tersebut.

Usahanya datang ke kantor PJTKI di pinggiran kota Jember itu sia-sia. Mamad yang ia cari-cari tak menampakkan batang hidungnya. Ia hanya bertemu dengan stafnya. Merasa tak membawa hasil apa pun, ia pergi ke rumah Heri untuk mencari kepastian.

Heri kembali menyuruhnya menemui Mamad di rumahnya. Keinginan untuk bertemu dengan adiknya membuat Sholihin rela mencari Mamad di rumahnya. Kembali lagi Sholihin kecewa. Karena ia hanya berhasil menemui istri Mamad yang hanya mengatakan: “Mamad pergi ke Jakarta.”

Rupanya Heri pun turut menghilang. Ia hanya bertemu dengan istrinya yang menyodorinya sebuah buku tabungan. Perempuan itu mengatakan suaminya tak bisa ditemui karena berada di rumah istri pertamanya.

Usaha menemui Heri terus ia lakukan. Walaupun sudah enam kali ia menemui Heri untuk mendesaknya melakukan upaya pencarian informasi, tetap tak membawa hasil. Bahkan saat terakhir ia menemui Heri pada tahun 1995 dengan ditemani sekretaris desa, Pandi, dan seorang mahasiswa, Heri memberikan jawaban mencengangkan. Heri mengaku lupa bahwa ia telah merekrut, menampung dan memberangkatkan Halima.

Jawaban menyakitkan ini membuat Sholihin yang ditemani aktivis dari Serikat Buruh Migran Indonesia (SBMI) melaporkan masalah ini ke kepolisian resor Jember. Ternyata usaha ini seperti hanya sebuah pelengkap penderitaan. Kepala Unit “Ruang Pelayanan Khusus” di kantor polisi itu menolak dengan nada tinggi. Laporan mereka tidak bisa diproses karena tidak ada bukti bahwa Halima direkrut oleh Heri.

Demikian buruk nasib yang harus diterima keluarga itu. Halima hilang. Kehilangan adik. Kehilangan anak.

Untuk melaporkan masalah kehilangan seseorang, haruskah keluarga ini mencari barang bukti sendiri? Lalu apa tugas polisi?**

Baca kisah Halima sebelumnya:
Di mana Halima? (1) — Kehilangan Adik. Kehilangan Anak.

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Malaysia tries to shackle foreign workers

Asian Times, Mar 3, 2007

By Baradan Kuppusamy

KUALA LUMPUR - A plan by the Malaysian government to confine some 2.8 million foreign workers to their ramshackle living quarters in an effort to curb rising crime rates has outraged critics, who describe the move as a deplorable act of discrimination against an already vulnerable migrant community and a violation of international labor regulations.

Foreign workers, opposition lawmakers, trade union officials and human-rights activists have come together to denounce the controversial plan, scheduled to be tabled in parliament in March. "The plan discriminates and promotes prejudice against migrant



workers. It is unbelievable," said Irene Fernandez, executive director of Tenaganita, a non-governmental organization dedicated to helping migrant workers. "These measures are against international labor rules and codes."

The measures are said to be part of a major policy shift in the government's management of foreign workers from the Human Resources Ministry to the Home Affairs Ministry which, some critics say, blanket categorizes migrant workers as a security problem. Under the proposed legislation, many functions traditionally handled by the Human Resources, Tourism and Health ministries will now come under Home Affairs, which oversees police, international security and the People's Volunteer Corps.

There are currently an estimated 800,000 undocumented migrant workers in the country. Under the plan, the workers, mostly employed in the construction, manufacturing and plantation sectors, will be confined to their ramshackle quarters - known locally as kongsi - which usually consist of zinc roofing sheets and plywood and are located inside or near their workplaces. The proposed rule will apply even on their days of rest, when many off-duty workers head for the cinemas, shopping complexes or beer parlors.

If the new law is passed, it will see them confined to their quarters unless they have express permission from their employers to leave their workplaces. Employers will also be required to keep a logbook detailing the daily movements of their foreign employees for spot inspections by police. "This way we can keep track of the workers and arrest them if they are involved in crime," said Musa Hassan, the inspector-general of police.

Xenophobic blame game
While police statistics reveal that serious crime in Malaysia climbed 40% year-on-year in 2006, only 2% of criminal incidents were directly attributable to foreign workers. However, the state-controlled media, nationalistic lawmakers and the general public frequently blame foreign workers, who account for 12% of the total workforce of 12 million.

The bulk of the blame falls on Indonesians, who form 65% of the foreign workforce, followed by Bangladeshis, Nepalis, Indians and Vietnamese. Police estimate that an additional 700,000, mostly Indonesians, are employed in Malaysia without valid work documents. The new proposed measures have come under heavy criticism, with international rights groups, including London-based Amnesty International (AI), which has said migrant workers, like ordinary people, are entitled to fundamental rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in Malaysia's own constitution.

"This includes the right to liberty and security; to equality before the law without discrimination, the right to freedom of movement as well as to the presumption of innocence," said AI country director Josef Roy Benedict. "These measures are themselves human-rights violations and a form of punishment," he said, adding that a person's liberty can be suspended only if he is proved to have committed a crime that warrants imprisonment by a court of law and after a fair trial.

AI warned that the use of migrants as scapegoats for criminal acts will increase racial and xenophobic prejudice against the migrant community in Malaysia. The US-based Human Rights Watch (HRW) also condemned the government's plan to, what it said "virtually locks up workers". In a statement, the rights group said the resulting isolation would also put migrant workers at risk of other abuses.

"Instead of improving the situation, Malaysia's proposed foreign worker bill will dramatically worsen the situation," said Nisha Varia, senior researcher on women's rights in Asia for HRW. "It's shocking that Malaysia is even considering such a proposal that would give employers freedom to lock up workers."

Even the semi-official New Straits Times daily newspaper voiced apprehension, saying it is questionable whether controlling the movement of foreign workers will "quell the rising tide of crime". "The question is whether confinement would be a justifiable pre-emptive measure - in terms of fair treatment of the foreign workers and the extra responsibilities that would be visited upon the employer to make sure that his workers stay confined, and presumably out of mischief," the daily said in a February 20 editorial.

"In addition, the cramped and sometimes deplorable living conditions in the typical kongsi are hardly conditions one should want to confine workers within," the daily said. "Such well-meaning solutions may work in an ideal world. But in the present circumstances, given the sheer numbers and distribution of foreign workers in Malaysia and the remoteness of many worksites using these workers, such measures might not only be unenforceable but might well create new problems without solving the ones they target."

Critics note that existing rules already severely restrict migrant workers. For instance, they are barred from marrying local women, opening bank accounts, changing jobs or traveling. "They are constantly stopped, questioned and arrested even when they have valid documents," said Fernandez.

Foreign workers, too, have expressed dismay at the open discrimination. "This is a form of slavery," said Ahmed Badulla, 27, an iron foundry worker from Pakistan. "We are so busy working day and night to send money home. How can we commit crimes?"

His Pakistani co-worker, Tajul Mohideen, added: "This country is very rich and there are lots of jobs, but there is a lot of discrimination too."

(Inter Press Service)

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Missing sister. Missing daughter.

Where are you, Halima? (1)

SHOLIHIN was not only confused after being treated like ping pong ball, a popular Indonesian expression, saying that he was sent away by a placement agency to police office and back again to the agency several times. Police officers also almost scolded him. Even though he has sacrificed a lot in getting information about her sister, it was to no avail to know and to find her. No one dared to say he or she was responsible of the ‘disappearance’ of this maid who hails from a village in the surrounding of Sentul plantation (Perkebunan Sentul Afdeling) at Suci village in Jember district of East Java.

He was eaten up by this bitter experience. All started after his sister Halima passed vocational high school for small business of SMEA in Panti subdistrict in Jember nine years ago. Halima then asked for permission from her father to allow her to work abroad as a maid. The peasant family was indeed poor that actually her father could not say otherwise. He later tried to find someone who could help her finding the way to work overseas.

Eventually in 1977 he found migrant worker recruitment sponsor named Heri who stayed at Mangli village housing complex at the suburb of Jember district capital. Halima then were taken as a ‘maid candidate’ as she was placed at Heri’s house. During her stay her family visited her three times. At the last visit however they missed meeting Halima since she had been transferred to the Indonesia’s capital of capital of Jakarta, supposedly before departing overseas.

As the family found things seemed to happen as planned, her brother Sholihin then worked in other island of Borneo (Kalimantan) when Halima “was prepared” to go working abroad. Seven months later, Halima sent a message letter that she was about to be sent to Malaysia, a hard country for unskilled migrant workers like from Indonesia or the Philippines. Law has strangely allowed Malaysians to look down Indonesians who mostly look like them physically. Native Malaysians ethnically are very close to many people from western Indonesia’s areas.

In the letter Halima also asked for some money of Rp30.000 (about 4 to 5 $ US in at the time), which she requested to send to PT Syafika Jaya Utama, the agency that made her possible to go overseas. The agency formerly had an office at the Jember city’s suburb but now you will not find it again. She apparently has got her way to Malaysia by then.

However, strange thing started to take place. There were particularly no news at all from Halima even after two years. This no-news anxiety has driven her brother, who only worked as a low-waged worker, to leave his work in Kalimantan and went back home to Jember. He encountered Heri at his house to ask about Halima’s where-about. According to Heri, Halima very likely took longer work contract in Malaysia. Heri succeeded to calm Sholihin’s deep concern, saying that ‘making longer contract was very common among migrant workers overseas.’

Feeling relieved for Heri’s answer, Sholihin went back to Kalimantan to resume his work. However, nothing was happening. No news from her. It was disturbing for him. It was now already the fourth year of no news. This had driven Heri to ask again Heri for responsibility. However, Heri was not home. The morning after he went again to Heri’s place and eventually Sholihin could meet Heri, he was only then being suggested to go himself to the agency’s office to meet a certain Mamad. The latter was claimed as the person of the agency who was in charge to manage Halimah’s and other migrant works’ trip to go abroad. (to be continued)


Read more sooner: What did Sholihin follow up in finding his sister? Was Heri a sponsor who could be taken responsible? Was Heri a ‘sponsor’ or a ‘scalper’, actually? Who was Mamad, a new face in the story? Why was he missing? Was it not actually a human trafficking? Read: If so what are the real police's jobs? Where are you, Halima? (2)*

Click here to see Halima's picture.

About the authors.
Preliminary investigation was conducted by Mohammad Cholili cum suis from the Indonesian Migrant Workers Movement Organization (GBMI) in Jember district, E Java. Sri Maryanti rewrites the story.

See Indonesian version.

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Kehilangan adik. Kehilangan anak.

Di mana Halima? (1)

SHOLIHIN (34) tidak hanya pontang-panting dipingpong calo dan PJTKI. Polisi dengan kasar juga menolak pengaduannya. Sampai sekarang adiknya hilang di Malaysia. Dan tak pernah diketemukan lagi. Tak ada satu pihak pun yang berani bertanggung jawab atas hilangnya seorang TKI asal daerah Perkebunan Sentul Afdeling, Kongsi Tengah, Suci, Panti, Jember tersebut.

Kenyataan pahit ini terpaksa ia telan. Bermula saat adiknya, Halima, lulus dari bangku SMEA sembilan tahun yang lalu. Waktu itu Halima meminta ijin kepada ayahnya agar diperbolehkan bekerja di luar negeri. Ayahnya mendukung dan berusaha menemui orang yang bisa membantu Halima bekerja ke luar negeri.

Sampai akhirnya tahun 1997 ayahnya bertemu dengan Heri. Seorang calo yang tinggal di sebuah kompleks perumahan di daerah Mangli, Kaliwates, Jember. Halima dibawa sebagai calon TKI dan ditampung di rumah lelaki tersebut. Selama ditampung Halima sempat dikunjungi keluarganya sebanyak tiga kali. Pada kunjungan ketiga mereka tak sempat bertemu. Halima sudah diberangkatkan ke Jakarta.

Halima berada di Jakarta saat Sholihin memutuskan bekerja di Kalimantan. Tujuh bulan kemudian, lewat selembar surat Halima, Sholihin tahu bahwa adiknya baru akan diberangkatkan ke Malaysia. Lewat surat itu Halima minta dikirimi uang sebesar Rp30.000 lewat PT Syafika Jaya Utama, PJTKI yang memberangkatkannya. “Perusahaan terbatas” itu semula terlihat berkantor di pinggir kota Jember. Sekarang sudah tak akan ditemukan lagi.

Selama dua tahun Sholihin dan keluarganya menunggu-nunggu kedatangan Halima. Namun jangankan kedatangan Halima, kabarnya pun tak datang jua. Ketidakpastian ini mendorong lelaki yang bekerja sebagai buruh ini pulang ke Jember. Ia temui Heri di rumahnya untuk menanyakan kabar Halima. Menurut Heri, kemungkinan Halima memperpanjang kontrak lagi. Heri berhasil menenangkan kegelisahan Sholihin dengan menjelaskan bahwa “perpanjangan kontrak sudah biasa dilakukan anak-anak (muda) sekarang.”

Lega dengan jawaban Heri, Sholihin kembali ke Kalimantan untuk bekerja kembali. Tahun-tahun berikutnya tetap sama. Tak ada satu pun berita yang mengabarkan adiknya. Namun empat tahun menunggu tanpa sebuah kabar membuat lelaki berperawakan pendek dan hitam itu kembali mendatangi Heri.

Malam itu Heri tak ada di rumah. Paginya ia kembali datang dan baru bisa menemui Heri. Calo itu malah menyuruh Sholihin datang sendiri ke kantor PT Syafika Jaya Utama untuk menemui Mamad, orang yang mengurusi keberangkatan Halima di PJTKI tersebut.*

SIMAK KELANJUTANNYA: Bagaimana kelanjutan usaha Sholihin mencari adiknya yang hilang? Apakah Heri seorang calo yang bertanggung jawab? Tidakkah kita sudah gila mengandaikan seorang calo (bisa) bertanggungjawab? Siapakah Mamad? Apa alasan Mamad sampai tak mau ditemui sekalipun? Apakah ia juga hilang seperti Halima? Apakah semua ini bukan praktik jual beli manusia? -- Di mana Halima? (2) - Lalu apa tugas polisi?

Laporan investigasi awal dilakukan oleh
Mohammad Cholili dkk. dari Gerakan Buruh Migran Indonesia di Jember,
dan dikerjakan ulang oleh Sri Maryanti.

Lihat versi Inggris (English version).

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More than half Singaporeans hate Indonesian workers?

QUOTING The Economist’s news article entitled Wandering Workers in January 2007, Asia Economic Institute (AEI) in its recent analysis (2/27/2007) confirms that even in such a modern country like Singapore "over half of the population opposes more foreign workers."

This is quite alarming for the many lower skilled migrant workers like from the Philippines and more dangerously from Indonesia, as Singapore prefers “foreign talent” than these hard working maids.

Singapore is not exactly yet a safe place to work for Indonesian migrant workers.

Mid last year the Indonesian embassy in Singapore reported that 10 Indonesian migrant workers were killed. And again, from eight of them they found notes about suicide, embassy official Fachry Sulaiman was quoted to have said. Since 1999 up to now totally 134 Indonesian migrant workers were killed in that city state.

The embassy has failed then to announce complete report on this regard for the whole 2006 about how many deaths —high percentage for suicide— in that year.

Is it normal for a Singapore? Or perhaps it is a kind of vengeance of the Singaporeans to Indonesians for what happened in 1998 against the Indonesian Chinese, communal crime that we have also to condemn!

Yet, the AEI’s suggestion is quite worth reading:

Opinions might change if the public receives a more balanced picture of the pros and cons of importing labor to do the jobs that none of the locals would ever consider taking. Locals need to realize that their economies are dependent on the foreign workers for stability. These large migrations should not be thought of as a transient or temporary phenomenon. Labor receiving countries should attempt to formulate a suitable migration policy based on longer run considerations of their labor market needs and the basic human rights of migrant workers rather than ad hoc decisions. Incentives and taxes may be levied on enterprises to discourage the perpetuation of unproductive non-competitive industries based on cheap unskilled foreign workers. At the same time, migrant-exporting countries should attempt to reduce undue dependence on overseas employment through efforts to reduce labor-outflow pressure at home. It is a delicate balance that Southeast Asia has yet to strike.**

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