By SRI MARYANTI (updated Nov 26, 2009)
When I looked at them, I immediately asked why their face looks so old. Though the two women's age was not much different from mine. Even Mama Blandina's face looked as if she was fifties while in fact she was 35 years old. There seemed to be a problem with these women. What I guessed was true, not long after talking with Ms. Blandina, her eyes became wet as soon as she told me her live. So it was with Mama Helena.
Holding her youngest child is two and a half years old, Blandina Mafani told her story. In a relatively young age, she had given birth six times. And six times did he give birth without medical help. Even more sad, for most pregnant women from the Tulleng village in Lembur subdistrict in Alor have never checked the baby to a health center or clinic. Fortunately, there were traditional midwives in the village who could be asked during childbirth. So she did not know her baby's weight at birth. Thus she did not quite understand what normal and healthy child at birth.
Health center was far away. Midwives and health workers had never visited the house. But there were more problems. Her husband forbade her to go to the clinic for this. When her youngest child was seriously ill, he remained adamant not to take him to the hospital. After some neighbors forced her, she let his son suffering from malnutrition be taken to the clinic. It was the reason why the child ended in the ward because the health center was not able to serve him. She did not participate family planning because the husband prohibited her. Some people in
02 March 2010
Meeting at children ward
14 November 2008
How should we look at "illegal migration" between Indonesia and Malaysia?
Sri Palupi
Certain individuals among the Indonesian government officials indeed would like to have a better country, including on how overseas work should be managed. Such individual would show that there is a hope for change, like what we recently see how the Indonesian ambassador for Malaysia, former police general Da’i Bachtiar, indicates that he is not unaware that “illegal migrant workers are too many”. However, others see what the ambassador does is far from their expectation. Different responses appear in a mailing list on the appalling condition of the Indonesian migrant workers, particularly from among critical individuals, with the ending that such government official seem to asking all parties to work together.
Our law on the protection of migrant workers, however, has yet to include a stipulation that authorizes independent representatives of the interests of the workers be legally guaranteed of significant participation in the making of the public policies of manpower export management. The main problem apparently lies in whether we still consider those undocumented migrant workers be also the subjects of protection. Up to now, the law does not mention anything about them, while in fact, as the ambassador admits, they are “too many”. What would you respond? Here is one worth reading.
Many would eventually resort into victimizing those workers, while in fact, Indonesian migrant workers, either they are illegal or legal, have made the same economic benefits, either for Malaysia or Indonesia. Both therefore deserve protection. They strive fThey have sent back home foreign exchanges either for central government or at district or at provincial levels and, of course, for their families. We could not thereby half-heartedly look upon illegal migrant workers. This should have been tackled out of its problem roots.
It is virtually the results of the misguiding public policies of the governments. There are so many reasons that induce them into becoming illegal. Many of them choose to be illegal for having no money and other resources. Many of them are illegal for being cheated by the agencies, be they recruitment or placement, or by the employers. Many of them become illegal as a result of their efforts to escape from forced servitude. In short, illegal migrant workers are the victims of the mismanagement of labor migration in both countries.
In Malaysia, work permits have nearly grown into open businesses, particularly in the construction work sector. Official work permits for construction sector cost RM1,600, yet the workers have to pay it up to RM3,000 for the long chains of payment. A migrant worker in construction work may earn RM25 daily, apart from deduction for work permit fee, yet ironically, illegal workers could earn up to between RM40 to RM60 per day. Who would not one prefer to be illegal?
Everybody knows construction works are very brief. Generally less than one year the project exhausts. In fact most of the workers pay the work permit for the validity time of one year. Once the project is over, they are jobless and thereby penniless, while waiting for new projects. If other facilities and insurances received by illegal and legal workers are not even better, it is then more beneficial for them to take illegal modes. It is because Malaysia itself does not guarantee the implementation of the fulfillment of the workers' rights as stipulated in its law. How then the workers would take legal procedures? They learn from facts on the ground that the salary of those illegal is generally higher than those of legal ones. If there are no legal incentives for those who have taken legal routes, it is consequential that they take illegal ones.
In reality, if one becomes legal worker, there is no guarantee she or he would not be raided by civil volunteers Rela or police officers, because her/his documents are in the hand of the employer. While s/he knows illegal workers mostly carry their own documents. In Malaysia you can easily find legal migrant workers yet arrested by Rela gangs. In Semenyih detention center in the outskirt of Kuala Lumpur, there are now many legal workers detained while their employers retain their documents. Many employers do not take care of their detained workers. They instead find it beneficial because they are freed then from paying the salaries of the detained workers. Many employers suspend the salaries of their workers. They work for three months but paid only for one month. The two-month salaries are delayed or worse not paid eventually. Most of construction workers would figuratively say, "If you become legal worker, your neck could be strangled." Initially they have their complete documents in their hands but they later choose to be illegal because it is more beneficial.
Indonesian government is more than often too legalistic in their approaches. They virtually opt for putting pressure on their own citizens than taking resolute stance toward Malaysian parties. While Malaysian government does not take care even to the agreement they made themselves with their Indonesian counterparts. You may see the so-called memorandum of understanding between both countries, not even one point being followed suit or implemented by Malaysian parties. As a result, the agreement is more advantageous for the interests of the employers, and does not protect the workers.
Considering that the Malaysia's policies are more enslaving migrant workers, the country actually does not fulfill the basic requirements of migrant workers-receiving country. Yet we all know that Indonesia's poor rural condition is the main reason so that they work overseas. At least, most of them would think, with working in Malaysia, they still could feed their family, sending children to cheap schools, and if fortune smiles they could have some money to start small business at home.
The message is clear that we all should eradicate illegal migration from its root problems, with improving our public policies, while taking decisive bearing towards Malaysia. We are also challenged to prove to ourselves that we are a country of dignity, heralding the honor of our countrymen and women. Then we would stop victimizing those illegal workers.**
22 August 2008
Salendra: Falsified Information on Wage by Recruitment Agency
My name is Salendra, 37 years old, high school graduate. Now I work as a construction worker, having no documents, at the Precinct 15, in surrounding of Putrajaya, the planned city just southern of Kuala Lumpur. I come from South Lampung in southern tip of Sumatra Island.
I work here how after I run away from my employer some weeks earlier who owns a banana plantation at Yong Peng area, Johor, southern Malaysia’s peninsula. All my documents now are on my employer’s hand. He is a Chinese descent. I was waged very little that did not match with my work load.
I just started working here in 2007. My small business was bankrupt. I then decided to work as a migrant worker to Malaysia. Yet, upon arriving here, the wage I receive does not fit to what the broker had contracted with me. He comes from my home district, South Lampung. The same promise was also said by the agency’s official named PT Mangun Jaya Perkasa in East Jakarta. I was given falsified information. In fact, I had paid the recruitment and employment fee up to seven million rupiah (~US$758).
I was paid at the plantation only 21 Malaysian ringgit (~US$6.27) per day. I worked until about nine hours and a half daily. Wage is deducted up to three months. No single insurance I got including health matter. In fact I bought all tools necessary for the plantation work. Up to now after over one year I could only once send money about 1,400 ringgit (~US$418) back home for my family. I have three children in the village. I feel very culpable to my wife.
My agent in Malaysia is Bonhon Sdn. Bhd, the venue of which is at the road to Yong Peng. I managed to open electrocuted barb wire along with two other workers. There are more workers from Indonesia having similar problem still in the plantation.
Now as a construction worker, I am helped by a friend who has been working as a sub-contractor. He paid me slightly better of 35 ringgit (US$10.46) per day. I mix cement and other building materials at a would-be apartment at Precint 15, Putrajaya. I stay in an on-site barrack among with hundreds of undocumented guest workers either from Indonesia, Bangladesh or Myanmar. I do hope I could collect enough money that I may go back home as soon as possible.
01 April 2008
To Japanese Government Officials: Please Be Extra Selective in Delivering Aids to Indonesia
Open Letter to the Ambassador of Japan to Indonesia on Pressure to Cancel International Aids to Indonesia for the Improvement of the Capability of local government police officers in Jakarta province
To
Your Excellency Ambassador of Japan to Indonesia in Jakarta
Dear Sir,
As you know, the Japan government plans to give different aids to Indonesian government. One of them is a grant and technical help intended to develop the capability (?) of local government police officers. See Kompas daily’s report on 21 January 2008, p9.
We have responded to such aid delivery with sending an official letter to your embassy numbered 08/IER/SP/II/2008 dated February 20, 2008 about an audience and dialog related to the above mentioned aid. On that letter, the embassy has given us a direct response stating that the Kompas’ story is "simply not substantiated". We then were asked not to come to the embassy.
Following such response, we reconfirm the matter to Kompas daily’s related editor named Mr. Simon Saragih as the person in charge for such story and data published by the paper about the Japan’s aid.
On this matter, Mr. Saragih reiterated that the data originates from the Department of Foreign Affairs of the Japan’s government. He guaranteed that such story is only correct.
However, as Jakarta city dwellers who campaign for pro-public good policy, we are deeply concerned with and regret to such an aid offered for improving the capability of local government police officers of Satpol PP. We are of the opinion that this aid likely gives bad impacts of larger spreading different acts of perpetration against basic human rights committed by those governments' police officers.
Since the country applied national policy of regional autonomy after the regime change in 1998, the government police institution has gained important role in enforcing regional regulation (perda) and in maintaining social “peace and order” (ketenteraman dan ketertiban), as stipulated in the Law No. 32/2004 on local government and government regulation No. 32/2004 on the guideline for government police institution. In practice, however, local governments have misused their police force for fighting and evicting city or town poor people and informal sector workers (street vendors, ambulant street vendors, buskers, and other workers) from their working and dwelling localations. Such repeated evictions have been conducted with violence on the pretext of "city’s beauty and peace in the city or towns".
Such violent acts conducted by the local government police officers now have become a sheer terror, not only for poor people and informal sector workers, but also other dwellers of many towns in the country. Violence conducted by the officers in Jakarta and different towns in the country even have resulted in many people killed. The following is only few examples of the different violent acts by the Satpol PP.
Please click Table 1.
With granting aid to the Indonesian government, particularly the Jakarta provincial government, addressed to the Satpol PP unit, the Japan government has actually committed to an unjustified public policy at the dear cost of the lives of poor people groups and informal sector workers.
Efforts to evict the poor people and these workers have been conducted systematically that have resulted in the intensity increase of the violent acts against the city or town's poor people. You could see this phenomenon with the increase of the number of eviction, arbitrary arrests and forceful ejection against the poor and the informal workers, particularly in Jakarta. The following is a list of the evictions against the poor and informal workers in Jakarta from 2001 to 2008.
Please click Table 2.
So far Jakarta is infamously known as a city that evicts poor people, scoring the biggest in the country as compared to other cities in different countries worldwide. The intensity of the eviction has ‘granted’ Indonesia to dubb as a state that notoriously evicts the biggest number of people from an international institution of The Center on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE) in 2003. Jakarta is categorized as the biggest ‘contributor’ of eviction cases or violator against housing rights in the world. No wonder, therefore, that the number of the ejected poor people keeps increasing. In 2002 in Jakarta there was 286,900 poor people (Source: The Indonesian Urban Studies, April 2007). And worse, now, the Jakarta’s poor people have increased sharply up to 675,718 people (Susenas BPS 2006). This number will increase rapidly given that the city development system ruthlessly ignores the rights of the poor. In 2007 there are 615,000 people unemployed and 8,006 street children (Source: The Manpower Ministry).
Such dirty business of evicting the poor and informal sector workers has almost always been made possible with a gargantuan sum of financial public budget. In 2007 the Jakarta city government has allocated public fund as much as Rp62,834,795.50 (US$6904.92) for such unlawful forced evictions. Up to now the budgeting right (APBD) has not been applied by the concillors to side the poor, after all.
Please click Table 3.
The main problem of the city development in Indonesia, particularly that of Jakarta, is definitely not about public order that requires the strengthening of the Satpol PP, but refers to the weakness of democracy in the city management, the very low people participation and the absence of human rights perspectives in the city program making and in the procurement of public policy of the city. In such a condition, corruption will certainly be very difficult to fight against, and therefore public interests and the rights of the poor over the city’s spaces have been virtually ignored. With directing one’s aids to the strengthening of the Satpol PP, the Japan government actually implies its deliberate support for an unjustified development policy that disrespects democratic and human rights perspectives, and therefore furthermore ignored common good of public interests and the genuine people’s participation.
Based on such argument above, we urge the Japan government to heed important points as follow.
- To review all aids for the Indonesian government, particularly aids that support the violations of human rights.
- To stop aids that are for financing violence conducted by Satpol PP.
- To be critically careful in offering aids to different parties in Indonesia, particularly those have perpetrated human rights, particularly if they have obviously abused human rights like Satpol PP.
- To direct aids to encourage sound public policies in city management that respect common public interests and the rights of the poor over the city’s space.
Finally, we expect that efforts in respecting and implementing human rights be your real commitment and the concerns of the Indonesian government and of the international community. We hope that the Japan government be really implementing such commitment.
Jakarta, 27 February 2008
Yours sincerely
The People Alliance for a City that Respects Common Public Interests
Sri Palupi
The Coordinator
23 January 2008
Our New Book on Modern Slavery
Our new book, written in Indonesian, launched this month, consists of, first, the so-called “academic text” (naskah akademik) introducing to the legal draft of the district regulation and, second, the text of the legal draft itself on the protection of Indonesian migrant workers at district areas, and finally lessons learned notes upon the advocacy activities that we have experienced in three districts of Tulang Bawang in Lampung province, Banyumas in C. Java, and Jember in E. Java.
See the cover’s picture at previous posting. You may want to contact us to get this book. Our email: ecosoc@cbn.net.id or ecosocrights@gmail.com.
We establish the academic text and the legal draft on our research on the condition of the migrant workers in the three districts. We conduct all the action research activities from February to November 2007 along with our partner of Trade Union Rights Center. The European Commission that maintains strong commitment to promote the advancement of basic human rights has made all of the activities possible.
The research applies several methods, i.e. first, workshops to dig out the main problems inviting related stakeholders: local government, migrant workers organizations, former migrant workers and their families, recruitment and placement agencies, academicians and NGOs, second, focused group discussions involving the origin community of the migrant workers and the village administration officials, third, surveys on the migrant workers and their families, fourth, theme interviews with related stakeholders like local government officials, recruitment or placement agencies, former migrant workers and their families, NGOs and other related social organizations; fifth, desk reviews on problems of the migrant workers and their legal protection framework, and sixth, public policy analysis that includes regulations for migrant workers that have been enacted by several districts in the country.
Out of the research we conclude there are at least seven problems of the migrant workers in their origin districts that should be guaranteed with legal protections. The problems deem to be the roots that cause diverse cases befallen to them including those taken place in the work places overseas. The problems relate to recruitment process, the financing of the work migration, education and training, case handling and legal aids, public participation, reintegration and at last the data recording and monitoring activities. These problems are proposed to be the main materials for protecting migrant workers at district level. If these are properly tackled, we expect that their problems and diverse cases that migrant workers face during their overseas works at least be significantly reduced to the minimum level.
The academic draft and the legal draft in this book have been thoroughly discussed in several important fora at the select districts and also by legal experts either at the districts or nationally. We have also drawn common ground that may include other districts that are not selected in the research. Yet for the complexity of the migrant workers’ problems and the diversity of the districts’ condition we could not include less-closely-related specific problems at district level, less their attempts to solution in the legal draft. Even so, the migrant worker-origin districts generally face the same main problems once they ponder upon protecting the overseas workers.
With the academic text and the legal draft in this book, we would like to invite all concern parties, particularly the governments, to change the protection paradigm, from merely tackling the problems into preventing them. It is because mostly, including the Indonesian government admits that over 60 percent of the Indonesian overseas workers are recruited and placed, let’s say, illegally, and that as much as 80 percent of the problems of overseas workers refer to problems found within the country, not at destination countries as most perceived.
This means the existing system of protection and work placement of the overseas workers is prone to creating and ‘inciting’ diverse problems while they are already in destination countries. In fact while they are overseas, they could expect only less protection from receiving countries. This condition is triggered by the fact that none of receiving countries ratify the Convention of Protection for Migrant Workers and Their Families and therefore they rest their destiny on the personal benevolence of the placement agencies and the employers, something that you should not depend on for public matters. Hope goes back then to the Indonesian government. Therefore, there are few other ways but repairing our home’s system of protection and overseas work placement that inevitably lies heavily on the government’s shoulders. However, to put proper measure to function, no doubt we need partnership and responsibility of all related parties, particularly the governments, agencies, and the people that include the migrant workers organizations and their families, NGOs, academicians, and other institutions that work for the interests of migrant workers.
Our study reveals that district regulation for protecting migrant workers will not answer the real problems if there is no inter-district framework intact. Current recruitment process is seriously susceptible to fraud conducted in other neighboring districts that have less concerns to protection. As a result, document falsification is the most crucial problem faced by would-be overseas workers. This takes place because most agencies are found in the country’s capital of Jakarta, far away from origin districts, and they mostly depend on the work of the brokers in recruiting would-be workers in the provinces, down to the districts and remote villages.
A district regulation will not also tackle the problems if there is no partnership, co-ordination and common responsibility, either among government officials of related divisions, between central government and local governments, and among local governments themselves. It is because that in fact the protection of migrant workers has not been acknowledged as a common problem, the treatment of which demands commonly accepted perspectives apart from partnership and common responsibility.
This effort and the improvement of protection and work placement services are exigently not to procrastinate because the number of the migrant workers is ever increasing as international work market competition sores, while we realize the weakness of government services as compared to the vast, remote areas of countries of origin of our overseas workers. It is also a staggering fact that their remittances, eventually for the benefit of the state and the local development program, swiftly increase by years. Without such contribution of migrant workers, the government should have already kept in mind that they are obliged to protect their citizens including our migrant workers. The demand of such obligation then is even imperative, while realizing the increasing remittances. But such high contribution has not been matched by proper public services and protection. Recent aggravation of irregular recruitment and overseas work placement clearly specify the insufficient protection scheme of the governments, even in many cases they perform as ones like. These practices have opened widely to human trafficking and modern slavery. Failure to perform proper protection is no different from legally allowing trafficking in human being and modern slavery for our own children mostly young women.**
03 August 2007
Open Letter to the Rector and Students Senate of the Diponegoro University in Semarang
Pressure to cancel the Honoris Causa award for Jakarta governor Sutiyoso
Dear Madame/Sir:
As most people in Indonesia already know, the University of Diponegoro in Semarang of C. Java will soon award to the Jakarta governor Sutiyoso the Doctorate of Honoris Causa. The award is based on the argument that Mr. Sutiyoso is considered to have succeeded in developing the Jakarta city as a megapolitan that maintains rooms for small and medium businesses (UKM). The relocation of those real sectors that Mr. Sutiyoso has conducted has also been regarded as giving strong influence for the increase of small and medium businesses and the economic condition of the city in general.
We regret and we state our deep concerns, however, to the university with this award. We are of the opinion that the university does not base the award delivery on a comprehensive deliberation and not on acurate data from the ground. We reject the university’s decision because a decision that bases on misleading data will deceive the public and taint the academic reputation that should have been freed from political and business interests.
The following are arguments that we do concern with and the implication of which we prop our pressure to cancel the false award.
First, the argument that mentions that (1) Mr. Sutiyoso has successfully developed Jakarta as a ‘megapolitan’ city (2) while maintaining rooms for small and medium businesses is not based on real facts from the ground and therefore it has no strong foundation. It is true that Mr. Sutiyoso is the first governor who publicly states the ‘megapolitan’ city concept for Jakarta, Bogor, Depok, Tangerang, Bekasi and Cianjur in his attempt to support the draft of law on the Indonesian capital. However, this concept remains only as an idea that has not been agreed or negotiated by related parties. In the law on the Indonesian capital that has been passed, the clause on ‘megapolitan’ city concept is not mentioned. If such concept has not been approved, how could the university assesses that Mr. Sutiyoso has successfully developed Jakarta as a ‘megapolitan’ city?
Second, the argument that Mr. Sutiyoso has given room for small and medium businesses has also contradicted the real facts from the ground. Mr. Sutiyoso’s concern and commitment with small and medium business in Jakarta is strongly doubted. In his tenure Mr. Sutiyoso supports more the big capital owners, particularly in the property development (business centers, middle and upper middle class apartments, and office buildings). Even in the case of business centers, Mr. Sutiyoso has ignored the importance of safeguarding the environment and the city space planning. He has turned open green spaces, conservatory city forest and other public spaces into business activities and expensive housing complex. No wonder that the city areas prone to flood have vastly increased in recent years.
Meanwhile, in his tenure, the growth of traditional markets has indicated negative trend (–8.4%) and the hypermarket has increased about 31.4% (AC Nielsen). From 151 traditional markets in Jakarta, now they remain only 20 percents that has future prospects, and from 120.000 street vendors now they remain only 70 percent who now fight for their survival. They could only afford their daily needs. (Source: Hasan Basri, the head of regional council of the APPSI in Jakarta, 2007)
Third, at the same time, in Mr. Sutiyoso’s tenure, Jakarta has turned into an unfriendly city to the poor communities. During 2001 to 2005 at least 86 times of evictions of the poor areas has taken place that sacrificed at least 75.077 women and men; 74 times of evictions against street vendors that have caused the existence of 62,263 small and medium businesses; the demolition or expropriation of tricycles (becak), and 591 cases of fire or arson excluding the poor communities and 71 percents of (424 cases) of fire or arson to the poor communities’ living places themselves. (Source: public reports from the mass media and other respected sources) In 2006 as many as 146 cases of evictions have destructed the living places and the working places of the poor communities. The evictions were often accompanied by massive violence involving thugs and arsons.
Fourth, Indonesia received the worst reputation as ‘The Housing Rights Violators Awards 2003’ from the international institute of The Center on Housing Rights and Evictions. Jakarta is the most outrageous perpetrators of people’s rights.
Fifth, the many evictions that Mr. Sutiyoso had ordered during 2001-2003 was matched by a serious response from the Indonesian National Commission of Human Rights. In 2002, the commission pressurized Mr. Sutiyoso to hold moratorium of eviction for 100 days to find out alternative, better solutions.
Sixth, the intensity and the vastness of the evictions ordered personally by Mr. Sutiyoso during 2002-2003 had prompted 15 noted academicians in Indonesia, who set up the Acadecians’ Forum of Concern, to launch a public statement on November 11, 2003, lashing out and voicing out announcement to stop the evictions on behalf of the Jakarta administration. The academicians also pressurized the Jakarta administration to find out better, human and fair solution over the conflicts on public spaces that compromised the poor communities in the city. It is worth to note that one academician who hand signed the open letter on November 11, 2003 was Prof. Ir. Eko Budihardjo, MSc who is now the rector of the University of Diponegoro in Semarang. It is deeply ironical that the university awards the prestigious Doctorate of the Honoris Causa, based on the same argument that such noted public official i.e. the university rector formerly rejected.
Seventh, other data about the main profile of Jakarta during 1997-2007 has nullified the claim of success that Mr. Sutiyoso as the governor has shared room to small and medium businesses. See table below. Had he succeeded, such businesses should have improved the economic condition and created job openings for the poor. After all the data shows that the rate of poverty and unemployment in the city has not changed.
Eighth, one week before the award of the Doctorate of Honoris Causa, on July 27, 2007, Mr. Sutiyoso proposed a revision to the city regulation No. 11/1988 on public order to the city council, adding another article that shall fine 50 million rupiah (US$5,494) and five month of jail threat to anybody who buy what the street vendors sell while she or he does not have the permission to do so. Such legal revision will certainly curtail the lives of many street vendors, who represent most of category of the small and medium businesses in the city. What Mr. Sutiyoso does by the end of his tenure of the Jakarta governor proves that he does not have minimum commitment to deliver rooms for small and medium businesses in the city.
Based on the above arguments, we, once more, regret over the decision of the students senate and the rector of the University of Diponegoro in Semarang to award such prestigious academic, public honor to Mr. Sutiyoso. We are also very concerned about the process of taking decision in the Senate of the University of Diponegoro, that does not found on accurate information about the recipient candidate of the public honor. This could rise doubts or allegation about hidden agenda that involve certain parties that go against the academic values that put high nobility, honesty, openness and truth.
To sum up, in order that most people keep their public trust to the University of Diponegoro as an academic institution because it keep its integrity in front of the interest of political and business power, we humbly ask the Rector and the Senate of the University of Diponegoro in Semarang to withdraw the Doctorate of Honoris Causa to Mr. Sutiyoso.
Jakarta, July 3, 2007
Jakarta Residents of Concern that consists of
Academicians:
Students groups:
Individuals dan journalists :
Groups of victims for eviction:
Civil Society Organizations:
Contact persons:
1. Asfin (0812 8218 930)
2. Benny Susetyo (0817 140 021)
3. Palupi (0813 1917 3650)
27 May 2007
Hot Money
Reslian Pardede
The hot money phenomenon in Indonesian capital market has prompted a debate over the possibility of another economic crisis. Hot money is the very short-term fund from overseas that is invested in liquid instruments such as capital market instruments or foreign currency. Is the worry justified?
Considering the fact that the foreign reserve of Bank Indonesia is currently at its high record (USD50 billion) many believe that Indonesian government would be able to manage the would-be huge money outflow while keeping a crisis away from the economy. However, I would argue that the possibility of another crisis is just a matter of degree of the magnitude of the real problem itself. The fundamental problem of the hot money itself is often being played down. Even at a normal scale, hot money would create enormous volatility in the financial market especially that of the emerging market because of its size and its short-term period of investing.
Hot money would not only increase the volatility or fluctuation of the prices but would also disconnect the prices from their underlying assets these are the fair value of the companies (for stocks and bonds) and the countries’ economy condition (for currency). It is as if the price became the signify that engaged in its own world, the world of symbol, isolated from the signified i.e. the underlying assets as described by Ernst Cassirer. The signify is supposedly the symbol, something that represents, the signified. But according to Cassirer the signify could then create its own structure and values which are no longer attached to the signified. Is that what happened with the superior performance of the Jakarta Composite Index (JCI) lately? Has the JCI turned into the signify that is disconnected from the fair value of its underlying assets?
Theoretically, the stock prices, aggregately represented by the index, should reflect the fair value of the listed companies. However in reality the price does not always accurately mirror the fair value due to the nature of the price determination or price discovery itself. But in normal situation, there prevails in the market a mechanism that allows correction to happen “guiding” the price back to its fair market value. What exactly this fair value and how it is determined is another discussion. But we could say here that when the price is getting too high it will be “forced” to come down and vice versa. It’s a matter of timing. However certain situation might arise that the correction is being put on hold. This would result in an even bigger correction than it should be. The liquidity shock stemmed from hot money is one example of the situations. Instead of moving in accordance with the changes in fundamental conditions of the companies, price is now largely moved by the liquidity.
Let us take JCI as an illustration. In May 23, 2007, JCI set its highest record at 2.104 after previously creating new a series of high records. For the first 5 months of 2007 (up to May 23) JCI has grown by 16.6%. Meanwhile, the economy only grew by 5.4% p.a. for the first quarter of 2007 or 1.35% for 3 months. We obviously could not do a par-to-par comparison on the index and the economic growth because the index or stock price is based on the ongoing-concern assumption. But the discrepancy between the index growth and the economic growth in itself has been already quite big. It is even bigger should we consider the JCI past performance in 2006 that stood at 55% making it the 3rd best performer worldwide after China and Russia. Therefore, the 5-months performance in 2007 cannot be the continuation of any correction that should have happened in 2006. This discrepancy might even get worse if we take into consideration the problems in real sector that has made the real sector fall behind the financial sector. JCI seems to have been pulled off its root i.e. the fair value of the companies.
It is therefore plausible to argue that Indonesia is currently experiencing a bubble. This bubble phenomenon apparently is not the monopoly of Indonesia. Some other Asian countries particularly China are undergoing similar situation. Shanghai SE A Share Index grew phenomenally by 112% in 2006 and 56% for the first 5 month of 2007. But perhaps China should be seen as a different case from Indonesia. The bubble here in Indonesia is due to the hot money inflow flooding the market with excess liquidity and the effect of the US stock market performance. According to Bank Indonesia (BI), the central bank, in April 2007 around Rp 45 trillion foreign funds are invested in SBI (a sort of treasury bills), Rp 77 trillion invested in bonds and Rp 5.6 trillion invested in stock. BI also estimates that a total of US$10 billion (Rp 90 trillion) of short-term funds may leave the country any time from now. This amount comprises US$1.5 billion in SBI, US$5.5 billion in bonds and US$3 billion in stock. It is a huge amount for Indonesian market. The average daily trading volume of stock in Jakarta Stock Exchange in 2006 was only around Rp 2 trillion and the average daily trading volume of bonds in SSE was about Rp 3 trillion. This small trading volume is corresponding to the small market capitalization. The market capitalization of the Indonesian stock market now is ranging from Rp 1,200 – 1,400 trillion and the market capitalization of the bond market in 2006 was around Rp 470 trillion. It is considerably small compared to other stock market in the region. For instance, the market capitalization of Hong Kong stock market in the end of 2006 was US$ 1,715 billion (Rp15.435 trillion) and the Singapore stock market was US$ 393 billion (Rp3.537 trillion). Accordingly, it is easy to see how the hot money would affect the market with the size as small as Indonesian.
So, should we just sit there and watch the bubble burst out by itself? The current monetary system does not leave much room for the government to mitigate the risk i.e. the liquidity risk. Under the current system, the government has a limited control on the flow of funds coming in and going out of the country. Hot money is the phenomenon of the free market with the free-floating currency regime that indicates how vulnerable the financial market of a country can be. The most vulnerable of all is the emerging markets. Hot money put our financial market and economy at the mercy of the foreign (hedge) fund managers with million of asset under management.
Regardless of whether the phenomenon of hot money this time will trigger another crisis similar to the one in 1997 – 1998 or not, a huge and short-term funds flow could drift the prices away from the fair value of their underlying assets and thus create instability in the financial market and possibly the economy. The hot money flow ought to be kept in check. It is certainly not an easy job but obviously something has to be done.*
30 April 2007
Questioning the concept of family doctors in Indonesia
By Albert Buntoro
REGARDLESS the story problems and the many criticisms, this next quotation is the least short message from an American movie entitled Patch Adam (1999). This comes from a true story telling the struggle of an idealistic doctor who was well interpreted by artist of fame Robin Williams. He was very critical against the hospital system that makes difficult the patients for high cost for getting better. He broke the rigid attitude in treating patients.
Young Patch had a dream to build a hospital as a pleasant place for patients in which they could help and cure each other among them. His dream was realized when along his friends he built Gesundheit Institute, an open venue for sick people in the periphery of West Virginia, US. Apart from delivering free medical treatment, the doctors also position themselves as family members and they did not maintain distance with the patients.
The existence of the institute then became the axes of major changes in medical affairs in the US. A doctor did no longer wear her or his special suit and remained in the world of their patients. The doctors did not sit behind the desks waiting for the patients coming but they were actively contacting the patients and their families for health matters. These active doctors were later known as ‘family doctors’. This health system materialized as Dr. Patch was very convinced that individual health condition could not be separated from the health condition of their families, their communities and their worlds.
This kind of social health system has been long applied in some advanced countries like the US, Britain, Australia, etc. Assuming it would work elsewhere, the Indonesian health ministry maintains its plan to apply this system as an alternative to reach the so-called Healthy Indonesia 2010 program. The long-term target is to provide one doctor for 2.500 people or 500 households.
Ideally each individual has a family doctor who would later become the partner in maintaining health of the family members. The idea that the department tries to implant among the people is healthy home paradigm concept. Meaning to say the doctor has not only the task to wait for the patients coming but she/he should take preventive actions before any disease attacks, such as consistently monitoring the patient health development during treatment. In other words, the doctor becomes like the police but also like sharing partner of her/his patients. The system is expected to increase knowledge about and behavior for health life and in its turn the society at large would do the same.
Samsuridjal Djauzi, an internist doctor and a lecturer at the school of medicine of the University of Indonesia in Jakarta, tells his experience while witnessing the free service of the family doctors at a densely populated urban area in Cuba, C. America. According to him, the success of family doctors in the country was supported by the existence of good clean water and electricity services, the exhaustive health facilities and environmental cleanliness. Even the services of health centers in Cuba has been made a reference for clinic services because there have been specialist doctors, emergency services and medical rehabilitations. As a result, the family doctors have been able to increase people’s health degree in Cuba. They have very low infant death of 5.8 in 1,000 while Indonesia has 30/1,000. Maternal death reaches 31/100,000, while in Indonesia 300/100,000. Infant death in Cuba is in fact lower than those in advanced countries like the US.
As a concept, the family doctor system could be labeled “ideal” but in reality of being applied in Indonesia it conditions other necessary supports in advance such as better public services in transportation, water and electricity supply and medical equipments. To reach such conditions, inter-departmental teamwork is of absolute necessity including the education services to condition the people for increased health awareness in their daily life.
Given the fast increasing commercialization of medical services, the question now is whether such family doctors in Indonesia, if any, could reach lower middle class people like in Cuba? Or they would only serve for people of higher social grouping in urban areas. We will see the results, then.**
Comments from indah in Philadelphia, US:
The idea of family doctors is interesting but to my opinion it is too difficult to apply in Indonesia, given the doctors are too few as compared to the population. Furthermore, in our country, the doctors prefer to stay in big cities than villages or remote areas.
In the US, this concept has not been able to apply perfectly. There are too many people who do not have health insurances and only go to the doctors or hospital when they become too weak or ill. Of course to take service from the government clinic is free of charge but the patient has to wait for hours (from 2 to 6 hours) to get the service. And the doctors who are diligent in contacting the patients at their home as described in this article is a very idealistic picture (that applied by doctors at hospital or private clinics but paid by insurance). The doctors (or medical officials) at government clinics normally only remind by letters or phones, if there is an appointment that will take place or if there is an emergency condition.
My suggestion for Indonesia:
- Increase the number of the free-of-charge health clinics up to the point of balance with the population,
- Public health services have to consider the geographical scale that the people from smaller towns need not to go to bigger cities to get services,
- Increase the number of paramedics (whose education period relatively shorter and less expensive than doctors).
Greeting,
Indah Nuritasari-Philadelphia
See the Indonesian version.
29 April 2007
Homeless for 30 years
WHEN sick, I sell my cloth for paying at puskesmas (the community health center). If there is nothing to sell, I don’t want to pay them. If they are mad at me, I resist,” she said, smiling. Her face even more cringed for the smile.
Her name is Juriyah. The old woman showed three pieces of Rp1,000 banknotes at her hand. That’s what she earned until that midday. She then requested for a hot tea from a street vendor.
All those street vendors operating under the flyover, next to commuting railway at Tebet crossroad in South Jakarta know her well. Her voice was strong though she already passed her 82nd birthday. She lived on her self in this unfriendly mega city. It has been over 30 years she has no more homes to stay, and lives wandering on the streets.
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Decades ago she came to Jakarta along with her husband from a certain location in Sumatra Island. They rented a small house at Senen district, C. Jakarta. Her husband was an amateur electricity installation fixer. He died for a wound infection on his leg after walking over rotten nails. Their son also died for another illness.
Since her husband died, she could no longer rent a house. She then became a house maid for two different employers. Bad luck struck her when she went to a traditional market but a car hit her badly. One of her eyes seriously wounded. Since then none employed her for any work. After the tumultuous year 1965 in Indonesia, she started wandering on the city streets. She slept anywhere in the open and depended her life for people’s generosity.
But now she could no longer walk far enough for any work. Yet now she often feels her legs strained and stiff. (Sri Maryanti)
05 April 2007
Models of ending hunger in Indonesia
HERE are approaches to end hunger in Indonesia but all of them are separated one from the other with strong short-term projects as a dominant paradigm. Which one is the best? Looking into the nature of each and the possible supporting and team working relation among them may help us to figure out what kind of approach is suitable, effective and efficient in tackling hunger in Indonesia.
What likely needed at last is appropriated implementing media programs that bridge and unite all of those diverse existing hunger-fights efforts to be transformed into common lessons learned ..
First model is complementary food program, locally called Paket PMT. This program model identifies malnutrition and hunger as problem specifically struck each individual family and that the problem is strongly associated to “disaster” almost God made. None could be taken responsible for such widespread phenomenon of ‘malnutrition’ affecting infants. Hunger in East Nusa Tenggara, for instance, has been declared as “extra-ordinary happenings” (kejadian luar biasa) that the central government needs to address with parachuting helps and aids, particularly in the form of additional foods.
Families with malnourished infants are given foodstuffs or instant foods. Monitoring activities are conducted by health cadres from among the community members in cooperation with the sub-district health centre (puskesmas). Apart from the government, international bodies and international NGOs also actively conduct such model of ending hunger in East Nusa Tenggara with distributing biscuits, instant noodles, and instant porridges. This approach is rapid and short-term because if not promptly helped those malnourished infants may die tomorrow. However, since this model is mostly not followed by long-term activities, very few sustainable impacts could be expected from the hunger-stricken communities. Though very useful on the spot rescuing the hungry, this model tends to target poor people as merely aid objects, financially high cost, fails to develop the existing potential of the poor families and communities to resolve hunger and other related problems.
Second model is feeding center yet does not involve the families with malnourished infants to take part in it. Case study of this model found in Southern Timor Tengah (TTS) in NTT is not very different from the first one but the malnourished, sick infants were put in noutrient center and directly taken care by social health workers. This model has an effective impact as well, however high cost is unavoidable and also fails to empower poor families and communities. Women or mothers are not involved since this model opts for curative approach and that malnourished infants are specifically perceived as the problem of the concerned families only. In tackling hunger therefore it fails to involve other families in the community in which the distressed family lives. The positive impacts could only be seen among few families, yet paradoxically they realized that the hunger threats are lurking soon ahead.
Third model involves women or mothers’ role in the feeding center. Women are considerred as actors as you may see in a case conducted by a Belgian nurse in Sikka district. Social workers are not needed here as compared to the second model and local foodstuffs are strongly encouraged. Malnourised children are put in the center along with the families and other relatives responsible. In the center, mothers are briefed with diverse useful knowledge and relevant skills while asked to take care of their malnourished infants. Women and the families are expected to continue taking care in the same way after the sick infants recover. However, this program model takes the same high cost and larger communities have not been actively involved with. And it fails to develop the community’s capacity to improve itself. In the long run it is hard for local people to emulate such strong organization or institution to carry out a nutrient-focused center that needs large sums of financial resources.
Fourth model sets up community-based education groups. This kind of approach is tried out in West Sumba by Seraphine Foundation. Women groups are educated while conditioning the community’s initiatives. Nutrient and health education programs are held for women groups while developing local food cooking skills, small economic activities to improve their livelihood, and community organizing. Women group education is also made possible by demanding men or their husbands and other larger families to involve. Members of the communities are encourarged and conditioned to work together in building for instance the education center makeshifts. Men take care of infants while their wives join the education activities. Malnourished infants are tackled together along with the communities. This approach takes much less financial resources since it requires the community’s initiatives to contribute, while addressing other related dimensions needed for tackling hunger. For short-term, immediate activities, this model keenly relies on the role of the existing institutions such as the hospitals in the neighboring localities. It promises however sustainabilty in the future. However, this approach requires strong, highly committed local community organizers that may mobilize people’s initiatives and supports.
What likely needed at last is an appropriated implementing media programs that bridge and unite all of those diverse existing hunger-fights efforts to be transformed into common lessons learned that may be acknowledged and supported by all related stakeholders in the province, i.e. the government, religious groups, academicians, NGO activists, international NGOs, and international bodies that work in the province.
May be you may help them.***
Link
UNICEF's 2002 IDS: Evaluation of Posyandu Revitalization
29 March 2007
Death Imminent
STREET vendors keep selling goods right close to the railway though without fence. In fact, the danger of being hit by such as the most rapid train like the express intercity threats them only one meter away behind. Since the Tebet sub-district officials fenced the under flyover area earlier this month, the vendors could no longer be there. Only few meters beside the railway is the only alternative place for them to work.
Indonesian version: Pedagang kaki lima bertahan berjualan tepat di pinggiran rel tanpa batas pengaman. Sementara bahaya sambaran kereta rel listrik cepat mengancam satu meter di belakang mereka. Sejak taman di bawah jembatan layang di stasiun Tebet, Jakarta Selatan, ditata pihak kecamatan Tebet awal Maret 2007 dengan memasang pagar-pagar, mereka tak bisa berdagang di sana lagi. Pinggiran rel adalah satu-satunya alternatif yang boleh mereka pakai.(Sri Maryanti)
27 March 2007
Exasperation in obtaining passports in Indonesia
Yulius Nurendra Efendi I think this is an institutional corruption. (comments from --ambar--)
MY EXPERIENCE in obtaining passports in Indonesia at the Surakarta immigration office has made me aware of how shoddy and corrupt this country is. It started when an overseas friend invited me to attend a meeting that later pushed me to have a passport document.
On October 18, 2006 I reached the Surakarta immigration office. I brought with me all required documents. In the front wall it was clearly mentioned the conditions, procedures, costs and fees required for having diverse migration-related documents. But you expected things would be clear and quick, certainly.
As I entered into the office, many brokers have already crowded the room. They offered service that promises to finish the passport making quicker. Of course this was not a free service but one would have to pay more to those brokers. Those brokers asked fees that were two times higher than normal, official one that was only Rp200.000. But because I wanted to do it myself since the beginning, I did not care about them. In fact if I take their service, they could help process only in one day. Yet, the official stipulation as mentioned in that front wall it needed two days to finish the passport.
First, I took the passport application form that cost me Rp10,000. I did not get any receipt for this payment. This is the first irregularity that I found.
After I completed the form, I submitted form including other required documents. In the further process, the officials verified the documents. Another irregularity soon took place. Although my documents were complete, it seemed to me the official would like to show me a loophole. I did not understand what he meant, actually. My birth certificate that I included as required was questioned. The official asked me to include my last education certificate. This meant that I had to get back to that office the day after because I did not bring with me that certificate. In fact as written in the announcement wall, birth and education certificates were only optional requirement. I should only submit either one.
The day after when I brought already my education certificate, the official even ignored that paper just like that. Not even once that certificate was asked. I felt a bit harassed. I became a bit nervous at the next step all my documents were almost lost as they were among other submitted applications. The official only started processing after I urged him, although for that I had to wait longer.
The next step concerned about the passport photo that I had to pay Rp55,000. Now I got a receipt for it. But I realized a weird thing happened as I saw another applicants who came much later than me yet he was given quicker turn to take picture. I realized then that the victims of brokerage were not only those who took the broker’s service but also other applicants who took normal procedure. We were put at farther turn at the back than those who paid more to the brokers.
After the picture was taken, the officials again seemed wanting to prolong time. With the pretext that the next step was to wait for the approval of the central immigration office in Jakarta, the officials asked me to wait for another week. At the time I fully understood as we, Indonesians, were approaching the high season of Idul Fitri.
I ponder upon what happened to me. My ignorance of the procedural process had pushed me to just say yes to what the officials asked. Many applicants must have endured bad experience like this. Because applicants could not monitor what happened to the submitted documents had turned them into a lame duck.
On October 30, 2006, as the officials had earlier promised, I went back to the office. Indeed the service flow was very slow. Now they gave an excuse that it had to be processed in several administration desks, I had to wait and wait again. It was an urge within me to ask them again and again while protesting the sluggish bureaucratic practice. How far my documents had been processed?
I had to wait for four hours before the passport was completed. We had to pay Rp205,000 consisting of Rp200,000 for the cost of the passport document and Rp5,000 for the fingers print fee. If you count right from the beginning to the end, the total sum of fee required was Rp270,000. In fact the announcement says only Rp200,000. Only through normal, official procedures, you will have to pay more than actually required. What if you take the service of those brokers? I overheard them saying they paid from Rp500,000 to Rp600,000 to get the passport in one or two days. Is this my Indonesia?**
Facts about hunger and poverty in Indonesia
HUNGER is like the tip of the iceberg of poverty. Study reveals that malnourished children typically, you may say, crowd the iceberg tip. They characteristically originate from poor families. Most of them, particularly those living in rural areas, do not have any plot of land to till or they have too small one. And those from urban areas only have small, meager, unsteady income. If you count what they get daily into money, their income will be less than Rp200,000 a month. This is definitely far lower than the international threshold of poverty of spending $US 1.55 a day as stated by the World Bank or even US$2 a day by the European Union. .. their income .. is definitely far lower than the international threshold of poverty ..
In addition, malnourished children tend not to get nutritious foods as they eat mostly more carbohydrate sources like rice, corn, etc. but no vegetables at all. It is true that most of families have some livestock like chicken and pigs they may take as important source of protein, but very low income and the adat customary demands prevent them from taking benefit without restraint from their meat.
Despite of those weaknesses of poor families, however, there are other non-economic determinants that define their ability to avoid their children malnourished. Following are the three most important efforts they do, i.e. first, they feed their children regularly, three times a day, morning, midday, evening; second, they keep their living places clean and regularly frequenting the activities of the community children health center (posyandu) for checking their children’s body weight and serving disease immunization program, third, they routinely feed their children with vegetables. The last two are distinct minimum efforts the poor families exercise to avoid the malnutrition routine threats.
You may ask why many failing families do not do such minimum efforts supposed to be so simple? Apart from the low income of the families, in fact there are some problems, i.e. first, they have very minimum knowledge and understanding about problems on malnutrition and health — this is very likely the result of low level of education, particularly of women; second, the families have many children more than they could shoulder the burden, third, they fail to have a child be born long enough after the other, fourth, the comparatively heavy load of family’s chores on women.
Looking closer into those malnourished children, our study also reveals that they mostly originate from parents with low education background, i.e. they passed only elementary schools or elementary school’s drop-outs, and they have many children. While parents of better-nourished children originate more from parents with higher school education (secondary school) and have less children.
Links
* European Union Overview on Indonesia (September 2006)
* World Bank assessment on poverty (2006)
* World Bank on Poverty (Indonesia Matters)
26 March 2007
Why Jakarta elite indifferent to their surroundings?
ALTHOUGH fully realize the on-going construction of the car park building on the formerly Persija soccer field at Menteng quarter of Central Jakarta plainly breaks the law, the residents of the city elite quarter living in its surrounding remain indifferent, environmentalist says. We realize the problem, but we cannot confront the city government face to face. It is your job as environmental activists to resolve this problem. Mrs. Pudji Siregar, a Menteng dweller, who admits herself as a housewife but actively protesting the construction raised similar remark. “It is indeed difficult to involve them to engage against the construction,” she reiterated. She added the elite quarter residents are difficult to unite. They have different interests.
“We realize the problem, but we cannot confront the city government face to face. It is your job as environmental activists to resolve this problem,” says Slamet Daroyni of the Indonesian environment organization of Walhi quoting the response of many Menteng residents when asked to engage the problem.
The soccer field was managed by the Jakarta Soccer Association of Persija but the Jakarta city government evicted it last year. Now the government assigns contractors to build a car park building.
Menteng residents consist of different groups, he says. “There are government officials, businessmen, academicians and professionals. Government officials and businessmen prefer to side for their personal security in this case. Those who fight for it mostly come from among academicians and professionals.”
The woman who graduated from a US university said that to successfully involve them into social movement one should show concrete results in advance. “I therefore hold activities like movie screening (layar tancap) that will be held on March 31, 2007 and the publication of Menteng Heritage bulletin in a bid to unite them before inviting them to move (against the construction),” she said. To her, it is difficult to ask them for engaging complicated matters like the controversy of the car park building, not to mention yet about the tedious legal battle.
After her house was flooded in February, this spirited woman filed to city police of charges of crimes against the environment against the car construction responsible, i.e. the city government.
In addition, according to Slamet of Walhi who actively represents the Menteng residents, the environmental assessment is not in accordance with the proper legal procedures, because the city government does not fully involve the residents during the planning process. He said it was against the Law No.23/1997 on the Environment Management and Government Rule No.27/1999 on the Environment Assessment.**
See Indonesian version.
22 March 2007
Why migrant workers remain poor back home?
Savitri Wisnuwardhani
My motivation to work abroad is to have money for buying a big house, land and improving my life. If I do not go, I can’t fulfill my dream. It’s hard to suffice my daily life’s needs.
An interview with an Indonesian migrant worker
POOR people in rural areas have been worse hit by the economic difficulties in third world counties like Indonesia. A case study conducted in migrant workers sending districts in the country features how the villages endure similar problems of poverty. Working overseas is among the solutions taken by poor villagers as almost all Indonesian women going to work overseas admit that their motivation is to improve their difficult life. They got a lot of earnings. But, how do they spend them? Why are they still poor and then go again to work overseas?
Many opinions say about the reasons why people work overseas. Poverty is one of the undeniable reasons. Difficulties to find a work at home countries push them to work overseas. But after returning to Indonesia, why are they still poor though they sent back quite sum of money? The Jember district branch of the Indonesian central bank recently informs that in the first semester of 2006 as many as Rp162 billions (over $US 17.6 millions) have been sent back as the remittance of the migrant workers originating from Jember district. About Rp27 billions a month is supposedly running into the villages in Jember.
The result of our research in 2005 on 92 Indonesian migrants working in Singapore may explain better the picture, saying that motivation of most migrant workers is to get money to buy land (13.7%) and to renovate their houses (19.5%) and for diverse home equipments mostly furniture and electronic products (10%). This tendency takes place because they admittedly want to pursue prestige and perceived success as they live in their villages with having a plot of land to build a good looking houses.
Case study that we conduct in a Jember village shows life’s success in the village is socially measured with having big and decent house. This is among what most migrant workers say when asked why they want to work overseas. No wonder that after returning to their village, they build houses that look like those in real estate. But most of their big, good-looking houses as you may see them from outside do not match with the inside condition. You would only find their genuine identity when you enter to their kitchen and bathroom as compared to their living rooms and the front face of their houses. You would see nearly a stark difference like luxury and simplicity.
This contrast likely shows that they are not well prepared to accept rapid social and economic changes, because they are nearly set up to imitate social trends of life style in big cities. There seems to be a cultural dominance that most people in the village unconsciously follow. Such cultural dominance has far affected their livelihood. Their earnings that they got from at least two-year working overseas would finish only in six months after living back in their origin country. Afterwards they would be back again into their usual condition of poverty.
Regarding rural life style, let’s say, most people in the village would like to behave as if people living in big cities. And they find urban style as if a ‘must-to-do’, something clearly incongruent to their surrounding but they are ready to pay it with high price. Such life style is indeed comparatively very costly that makes them quickly running out of money and understandably they would go working overseas again as unskilled migrant workers.
In this regard it is difficult not to say that in the present social context the TV programs like popular telenovelas have much affected their daily life. Most of the programs tantalize them with luxury and dreams of becoming rich people. Even people in remote areas in Jember district now would already have TV set in their home. Such a dream has unconsciously transformed into what they find it as their needs. You would find it then very contrasting with the actual simplicity of living in rural areas in Indonesia.
Social behavior that prefers of making nice impression than realistic attitude is apparently consequences of the inadequate education and trainings. They lack of proper information and skills on how to use their money to improve their livelihood.
In such a situation there appear overseas work placement sponsors who entice them to easily get a lot of money if they work like in Middle Eastern countries, Malaysia, Singapore, Hong Kong and Taiwan. That kind of easy money is almost straightforwardly associated with what they have seen the like in the telenovelas. Sponsors almost always allure them with sweet promises of quick money disregarding social, cultural condition of their working places in other countries. As a result, they decided to go overseas without any further reasonable considerations such as improving skills and self-confidence in advance.
May be you ask when they could really improve their life and stop being poor? To my opinion, they will only succeed overcoming poverty if they spend their earnings more on small businesses, the benefit of which would directly support their livelihood. In fact there are only as low as five percents of migrant workers who spend their earnings for microfinance activities. As many as 43.2 percents of them, instead, spend their earnings for building comparatively expensive houses and equipments. If they were more interested in spending their money for their economic undertaking, their lives would predictably be better, having more balance with their social environment.**
Why poor families in Indonesia may survive from hunger?
COMMON SENSE would say that children who suffer from malnutrition are those of poor families. This applies anywhere and our research in five districts in East Nusa Tenggara of Indonesia confirms it as well. Nothing is new. We find however not few poor families are able to keep their children remain healthy. Comparison between both kinds may be fruitful for understanding why malnutrition takes place and presumably we may identify what to suggest for improvement.
Most of those children who now suffer from acute malnutrition were earlier healthy ones. When asked why those children become too skinny, two third of their parents promptly respond that their children start to lose appetite and get sick. And most of the parents also do not know that their children actually suffer from malnutrition. They only realize what malnutrition is all about after visiting sub-district health center (puskesmas) and being informed so and/or by village midwives. They mostly are confused which is the first, getting sick or malnourishment. No chicken or egg problem here because is it not the fact that there are more children who do not suffer malnourishment than those malnourished? This would explain that although there are many diseases threatening, food quality would directly improve human body immunity.
Data on food quality at household level shows obvious difference between families having malnourished children and those with better nourished ones. The parents of the first category tend to give their under-5-year babies only rice porridge without any vegetables, while better nourished get more. If the latter parents could not afford to feed their children with additional food like fish or meat or other protein, data shows vegetables are the minimum additional food given to them in order to survive acute malnutrition. Analysis confirms that providing vegetables is the most conspicuous option that makes little but meaningful comparative difference between both.
It should be assumed however that this preference on food quality in understanding malnutrition and even hunger phenomenon does not put aside common knowledge that the diseases rapidly deteriorate already weak body condition for malnourishment. Diseases are common symptoms that this research considers to be put in the bracket for the moment. It is also because diseases like malaria, diarrhea, respiratory malfunction locally called ISPA, etc. commonly infect among poor people.
In addition, in many locations of the country gender preference matters as it is common that male members of the families, particularly the husband or father, are privileged of foods. And women are assumed to have less food and more chores. However, data also reveals that children malnutrition has likely nothing to do with gender bias within the families. Those families who apparently join hand in hand among all members of the families, but especially between husbands and wives, to put priority in nurturing their children, likely to have healthy children. Most poor families but having more healthy habit know what to do their best. Those who fail mostly have less understanding about basic knowledge on nutrition. The danger of malnutrition is much closer when they have more than two toddlers particularly when they fail to have one child be born long enough after the other. The most certain in trouble are those who have twin babies apart from other, let's say, five small children.**
Update 30/6/07
Who quot this posting?
18 March 2007
Two poor families in Sikka: How do they fight hunger?
Sri Palupi & Reslian Pardede
POVERTY is definitely not a single, simple reality, yet contradiction may enrich your understanding of what poverty is all about. The following is a case study of two families, both grouped as poor far below the World Bank’s standard, in Sikka district in East Nusa Tenggara province in Indonesia. Both have significant difference in their profile characteristics although both also have comparatively unusual education background.
The first is the couple of Marcellus Magnus and Margaretha Eta, whose child suffers from acute malnutrition. The second is the couple of Fermus Tuka and Martina Teparan, whose child is healthy. First of all, let’s look at how many children do they have. The first, who lives in Maumere town, begets four children, and the second that live in rural site of Baumekot village at Kewapante sub-district owns only one child. It is unavoidable to presume that the family load depends much on how many children do they have, particularly in the degree of attention and the quality of food fed in each family.
Magnus-Eta family has just had a new baby, the fourth child, female, when their third child was receiving food aid program from the local government. Her name was Elisabeth Elsa, 35 months old, was found malnourished after being measured at local community’s baby health service of posyandu (integrated service post). On one side, poor condition of the family has pushed related village midwife to give her food aids for recovery. What makes this family different from other families that have similar children suffering of acute malnutrition is the fact that three out of four children have suffered from acute malnutrition. Two other children have recovered into normal condition, each aged of eight and six years old. On the other side, the economic burden of Tuka family that has only one child is clearly much less heavier that Magnus family that has four children. The only Tuka’s child, named Romanus Oscar, five year old, is in a good condition.
If you look at the income of each, both families have the same unsteady ones. But Magnus family is slightly better than the other. Like many other families at Baumekot village, Tuka is a commodity crop farmer. The difference with the other one, Tuka has also another source of income. They have a small stall selling daily needs stuffs like instant noodles, coffee powder, sugar, tea, ect. Tuka’s wife, Martina Teparan, manages a barter method of selling to their customers, mostly villagers from the area. The stall allows candlenuts (kemiri), coconuts and other crops be bartered with other daily need items. With the stall Tuka family may survive from difficult economic situations, such as pest that hit their crops that once in the past no additional earnings could add into their meager income. In 2006 they could only take coconuts, the amount of which was not more than 10 kilos each time they pick. Severe pest attacked their cacao, while the clove plants failed to bloom, and until the end of the year the vanilla plants have not ripened the fruits yet.
Different from Tuka family that has a small, simple living place, Magnus family stays on a quite large stoned house. The latter’s house seems not to suit to their economic condition as of why most neighbors would consider them as poor family. In fact the family does not own the house but a non-inherited property of their parent. His work as a non-permanent laborer has rendered their life uncertain. Although he admits to be a stipend-paid gardener at a private local secondary school, in fact he does not receive the honorarium routinely. Magnus often finds himself more unemployed. You can say that he works for one month, but he would be unemployed for other three or four months. His status is a stipend-based laborer but his earnings is not more than semi-unemployed who is paid only when there are concrete, available things to do. If he is lucky, he could gain average income of Rp150,000 (USD16.27) a month. But it has been for some years of no work orders fetching him. What he gets often only suffices for buying rice and corn. In one day in fact they spend at least Rp7,000 for buying rice and corn. They could only rarely consume vegetables, which is a luxury they may consume only if there is some more money remaining.
Apart from lacking of steady work income, Magnus family does not own any plot of land. He only tills a small piece of land, not more than one-fourth hectares, owned by a relative while taking a share. Latest years he could no longer till the land for the many natural calamities hitting the areas like drought, typhoon, flood. In 2006 he could only take 70 kilos of corn and some sweet potatoes, the only crops that have mercy on him. And that small yield does not suffice the needs of his family.
He still has another chore to feed a pig owned by another relative with a share. In this case he is quite different from other families in Sikka district as he feeds the pig to afford his children schooling. In fact in Sikka most people have pigs for customary purposes. He knows that he needs to focus his days and nights to suffice the children’s needs of food and schooling, but he fails yet to materialize what he envisages.
Perhaps there is an uncommon clue that arises from their education background. Magnus and his wife actually have a higher upbringing as compared to other people in the surroundings. Both finished their high schools but it seems higher education does not make any difference for them, particularly from the threat of hunger for their children. Since she is high school graduate, Margaretha knows many things about nutrients and health requirements. She is also diligent to frequent the sessions held by the community health post to have a look to the development of his baby’s weight and to get health services like immunizations. She has personally milked all of her children. Since the beginning of their marriage the couple agreed to follow the family plan program but they failed to have one child be born long enough after the other. She has changed three times of the contraception methods but none is suitable for her. So far it is only herself who decides to use contraception. But now after the fourth child, the husband takes initiative that Margaretha uses spiral method of contraception.
Now if you look into the other child’s parent, they may be said to have worse education background. The parents of baby named Romanus Oscar have only passed elementary school level yet the minimum education seems not to stop them from well nurturing their child. Oscar’s mother, Martina, has quite good knowledge about nutrient and children health although she admits of not understanding about the use of why should milk her child until the child reaches age of 24 months. Until he reaches five years told, Romanus still goes to the community children health post. Martina is also quite concerned about the nutrient of his son’s feeding. When she knows that Romanus does not like eating vegetables, she tries to find other ways with providing him with his preferred soup. Even then when time is difficult to earn a living, though only sweet potatoes that she could provide, she keeps trying to include vegetables while feeding him. This young woman is clear in focusing on her child’s minimum nutrient. More than that, she also emphasizes the routine of the child feeding with three times of meals everyday added by some vegetables. As a result, Romanus has never had any malnourishment problem.
If you compare him with the other family’s children mentioned above, everyday the children are fed with only cooked rice no other menu with it. No vegetables, no side dish like meat, fish, or whatever. The main menu consisting of carbohydrate substance is already hard for them to get. During time of scarcity like then, children often eat only and only sweet potatoes. They admit that during difficult time the grandparents and other relatives from rural areas still support them with foods. From their origin village they still get some help to survive famine. They admit that the children are more sufficed the food if they stay along with the grandparent family in the village. There at least they could have porridge and vegetables and some dried fishes. Not like during their stay in the town, it is indeed difficult for them even to get “empty” rice porridge. Such difficult situations often push Margaretha and her children to leave the town and return to the village to find her parent, knowing that her husband’s income would not suffice their child’s feeding.
The above picture shows that although knowledge capacity of Magnus family may clearly suffice for them to survive from nutritious food lack, poverty definitely has taken away their ability to use such knowledge for survival. As compared to other families in the surroundings, Magnus family is sorted out as very poor, as the neighbors would put it. The local children health service cadre confirms us that they may be considered the poorest in the area. Magnus himself, humbly enough, also confirms such social label. Poverty has made his neighbors exclude him from participating in local festivities. He admits to have never been invited to neighborhood gatherings. During the festivities of first communion, one family may receive up to ten invitations. For Magnus family, it is much relieving to have no invitations at all. No invitation means no obligation to offer financial gifts to afford. Neighbors seem to understand that he would not have anything to offer knowing that even providing foods is difficult for his family. Such attitude apparently is rarely found in the East Nusa Tenggara province that has strong customary practices. Most of them find it embarrassing to be labeled as poor, because in fact they are likely to provide a lot of money to offer as gifts for burdensome social prestige of the tradition.**
Link to sky view of Maumere from wikimapia.
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